A theocracy on the Nile?

I just had this piece, discussing the Islamist victory in the Egyptian parliamentary elections published over at New Humanist.

With Egypt’s first post-Mubarak parliament now sitting, it is abundantly clear that elections were an important win for political Islam. Of the 27 million votes cast, more than 10 million went to the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, and another 7.5 million to the hard line Salafist Al Noor (“The Light”) Party. Together the two parties have a comfortable majority – if they vote as a block, (and assuming the presidential elections produce a similar result) the stage could be set for a general Islamisation of the Egyptian state.

There are good reasons, however, to believe that the Islamists’ victory in this particular battle will do them little good in the overall war for Egypt’s soul.

Before discussing their future prospects, it is important to understand the reasons for the success of these parties. The Brotherhood’s success, in particular, should come as no surprise. Founded in 1928, it is among Egypt’s oldest political institutions, and with a membership in the hundreds of thousands and a strong national structure it was well positioned to take advantage of Egypt’s unexpected democracy. That said, even they seemed to only get their banners and campaign posters up in large numbers in the days and weeks immediately preceding the elections.

More important than its campaigning strength was the Brotherhood’s long-standing involvement charitable work, involving the provision of low-price hospitals, job training programs and support for other local NGOs, as well as its strong participation in professional associations and syndicates. This work has left many Egyptians with a good impression of the Brotherhood as, on the whole, a devout and moral bunch, with genuine concern for their fellow citizens. There is also a hope that their religiosity will lead them to break with the corruption that has so long typified Egyptian politics. As one Freedom and Justice voter told me: “I have nothing to fear from a man who fears god.”

Still more important than this, however, is the issue of identity….

read the rest here.

Anniversary Mega-Post

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Been a big week in Cairo obviously. I won’t try and do a comprehensive wrap up. Just wanted to upload the above pictures (taken on the 25th), and post links to a couple of articles I had published over at New Matilda. One is a re-cap of the major clashes in Tahrir since the fall of Mubarak called A Year In Tahrir Square. The other is an account of the 25th, called Egyptians Call For ‘Bread, Freedom And Justice’.

The Prison In Tahrir

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Before beginning this post in earnest I want to make something very clear: Today was an immensely positive day. It was one of the biggest protests in history, and from what I saw, was conducted with a remarkable level of peacefulness, cooperation, inclusiveness and respect – though the reports I am hearing of a gang-rape in the middle of the protest (not the first such incident) certainly indicate this wasn’t universal. In anycase I’ll post a proper photo-blog about it tomorrow and a write up should appear the day after that on newmatilda.com.

What I want to talk about today is a truly dark element that I did witness directly today. Some other journalists and I had gone down to Tahrir in the very early morning to see if we could catch the Fagir (dawn) prayers. While we were standing round, some young men – teenagers probably – ran past us, one with his shirt off, one with a black eye. While the journalists I had come with followed them hoping to ask them what had happened, I went in the direction they had come from.

When I got there I found an ongoing commotion, at the centre of it was a man the mob was accusing of being a thug and an instigator, there to cause trouble and start fights. He was dragged off by a a number of men and pushed into a makeshift prison. It appeared to be a fenced off power sub-station, which had now been transformed – with the use of barbed wire and a padlock -into a makeshift open-air holding cell. The idea had been, I was told, to make a mock prison, as a creative way of talking about the need for justice regarding the crimes of the Mubarak regime and the ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces. When asked if it had now been turned into a real prison, and whether those inside were prisoners, the self appointed wardens answered in the affirmative without hesitation or embarrassment.

A total of three young men were being held inside, two with their hands tied behind their backs. There was a little hostility to me taking photos, but there were also others concerned at what was going on who insisted on my behalf that I be allowed to work. Eventually, an Egyptian journalist, a British journalist and myself were let in and got to speak to both the captors and the captives.

Speaking to the prisoners was instructive, none wanted to be on film, at least two out of three seemed completely wasted. My guess would be they were high on heroin, which fits with the pattern of the “baltagiya” – often petty criminals enlisted by police to carry out the regime’s dirty work in exchange for leniency, or money for a hit, or both. They also, when questioned, began to spout a lot of the usual state TV lines, about there being weapons in the tents, and there being naked people in the square (which the weather, let alone Egypt’s conservative culture made extremely hard to believe). By the end of our encounter it seemed to me that the young men being held were indeed there with the purpose of making trouble.

Of course this still leaves the question of how they were dealt with. This is made more troubling by the fact that nearly 12 hours later, when we returned to the square with one of the many mass marches, the prison was still in operation. The man I had seen taken captive was still there, sleeping on the ground. The other two were gone, having been collected, we were told, by the father of one of them. They had been replaced by two others, however, who were accused of committing petty crimes.

The whole story raises a lot of troubling questions for the protesters in Tahrir and those around the world that would emulate them. Much is made of the openness, the lack of coercion, the generally peaceful and positive lawlessness of the people power movements. In a scenario like Tahrir, where the police and other figures of authority have been driven out, others, generally men with a tendency for powertrips, tend to step in and take their roles. What’s more, we can’t just label these guys the baddies, and leave it at that. As the story I mentioned earlier of another woman being raped in the square testifies to, there is some need for those strong enough to enforce a code of basic decency. It does not, unfortunately, spring into being spontaneously and consistently.

Egypt’s “Honorable Officers” Will Spend Jan 25 Anniversary in Jail

My story about the dissident officers published on Al-Akhbar English.

While the Egyptian army hosts a ceremony in Tahrir celebrating the role of the military in siding with the revolution on January 25, several officers who joined the protests early last year will not be able to attend. The trials of Major Tamer Badr, Amr Metwally, and Ahmed Shoman, arrested after joining protesters in Tahrir Square during the November mass protests against military rule, have now been postponed until next month.

This means that as the anniversary celebrations take place, a total of at least 25 officers will be sitting in prisons for having peacefully joined protests. Meanwhile, officers involved in abusing protesters, even in widely publicized cases such as that of “blue bra girl” and the Maspero massacre, will be joining the ceremony.

The majority of the other officers being held are those that joined the square on April 8th. The soldiers have been collectively named “the honorable officers” by their supporters, who have held protests in their honor over the last two Fridays and also rallied outside the military court complex on Jan 11, when the case had been scheduled to be heard.

Dissident officers case delayed.

Major Shuman's wife, Mona Salah holding up a banner in support of her husband, who is one of three Egyptian army majors currently facing charges related to them joining protests in Tahrir Square. Photo by @patrickgaley

The cases of Majors Ahmad Shuman, Amr Metwaly, and Tamer Badr have been postponed until Feb 12. According to Major Shuman’s wife Mona Salah, reason given for the delay was the appointment of a new judge to the panel required that all the paperwork be done afresh.

The delay means that on 25 Jan, while the Supreme Council Of Armed Forces proclaims
its support for the revolution, it will be holding in it’s prisons another three army officers for the crime of entering Tahrir and siding with the protesters. Meanwhile, as Shuman’s family point out, those responsible for killing protesters walk free.

It is feared that the men will share the fates of the “April 8th Officers”, who are currently serving sentences, reportedly of three years for attending a protest in Tahrir Square in uniform.

Family and Supporters of Dissident Army Officers Gather in Tahrir Ahead of Trial

Yesterday in Tahrir Square, supporters of dissident army officers Major Ahmed Shuman, Major Amr Metwally and Major Tamer Badr – as well as the family of Major Shuman – rallied to draw attention to the soldiers plight ahead of their military trials, which are due to be held this coming Wednesday, 11 Jan. With the Egyptian press unable to speak freely on this issue, and the foreign press largely uninterested, it seems likely they will face a similar fate to the other officers who joined the square – lengthy prison sentences.